Deanna Krokos is a student at Harvard Law School
On Wednesday, the House of Representatives voted to pass the Protecting Older Workers Against Discrimination Act (POWADA). The act would make it easier for older workers suing under the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 to prove their case in court, instructing courts to find a violation where the age was a motivating factor in the employer’s adverse action, thereby allowing plaintiffs relief in “mixed-motive” cases. The bill passed 261-155, on a bipartisan basis garnering the support of 34 Republican legislators.
If passed by the Senate, the bill will effectively overrule 2009’s Gross v. FBL Financial Services, a Supreme Court Case that requires age discrimination plaintiffs to show the discrimination was the sole purpose of the adverse employment action, and allowing employers to evade liability if they can show that any “reasonable factor other than age” impacted their decision. Gross placed the entire burden of proof on the plaintiff and created a near impossible “but-for” causation standard. POWADA would allow a plaintiff to show that age was a motivating factor in the decision, and then shift the burden of production and persuasion to employer to prove that in a hypothetical scenario, they would have taken the action regardless of any discrimination.
Jack Gross, the plaintiff who brought the initial litigation after being demoted, spent years advocating for a change in the burdensome standard, including testifying before the Senate in 2010. In 2017, the AARP conducted a study, finding that “nearly 2 out of 3 workers ages 45 and older have seen or experienced age discrimination on the job.”
Bloomberg Law reports that worker centers across the country are preparing to defend their legal status in court. For two-years, the Department of Labor has been investigating Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en Lucha (CTUL), a worker center in Minneapolis, to determine whether or not they are operating as a “labor organization” are should be more strictly regulated. Bloomberg Law writes that worker centers are not unions, but rather “an alternative… providing low-income, vulnerable workers with training and other tools to improve workplace conditions.” Though they may lead campaigns to pressure certain employers to make systemic changes, as CTUL did against Target, worker centers primarily educate and train workers and do not serve the traditional “union” roles like collective bargaining. Bloomberg Law notes that if the DOL classifies CTUL as a union, subjecting them to onerous federal regulation, other workers centers across the country are likely to bring a challenge to protect their status.
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August 2
WestJet flight attendants go on strike, and the American Federation of Government Employees challenges another VA attempt to terminate its collective bargaining agreement.
July 31
Legislators move to end mandatory arbitration in employment contracts; NYC tip laws result in greater pay for delivery workers; women's college basketball players seek to unionize.
July 30
Supreme Court denies Cemex's bid to pause bargaining order; employers remain exposed to Title VII suits over English-only rules; Texas judge declines to enjoin NLRB proceeding despite unconstitutional removal protections.
July 29
NYC public defender strikes spread to the Bronx; NLRB drops challenge to New York labor law after Amazon wins its case; new data shows appointments of women and minorities to S&P 500 boards at lowest level in a decade.
July 28
DOJ drops charges against SEIU California president; Massachusetts nurses file ULP against hospital; Democratic lawmakers look to remove damage caps in employment discrimination cases
July 27
NY Port Authority proceeds to trial on PUMP Act case; First Circuit denies stay in order vacating H-1B visa fee; DC Circuit panel denies First Amendment claim over disclosure of confidential emails in allegation of prison's COVID-19 mismanagement.