Fred Wang is a student at Harvard Law School.
Hours into his administration, President Biden fired the National Labor Relation Board’s (NLRB) Trump-era general counsel (GC), Peter Robb. Upon Robb’s termination, many Republicans clamored that Biden’s move was inappropriate, divisive, even illegal. Many observers—including myself—were skeptical of that latter argument. But over the past few months, corporations in pending litigation with the NLRB have tested it by filing challenges in ongoing cases.
Last week, a New Jersey federal judge shot it down. The case was Goonan v. Amerinox Processing, Inc., which involved an NLRB injunction sought against the metal processing company Amerinox to reinstate workers that it allegedly unlawfully fired. Amerinox argued that the NLRB’s acting GC lacked the authority to prosecute the matter because his predecessor, former GC Robb, was improperly removed from his office.
The district court disagreed. Its analysis of the removal issue was brief and focused exclusively on the “plain language” of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). On the district court’s read, the relevant statutory text (Sections 3(a) and 3(d) of the NLRA) distinguishes members of the Board from the General Counsel. Section 3(a), which governs the former, provides that the President may remove any member of the Board “for neglect of duty or malfeasance in office, but for no other cause.” That language, however, is conspicuously absent in Section 3(d), which describes the office of the GC. Indeed, Section 3(d) contains no language detailing the conditions under which the President may remove the GC. In other words, although Congress restricted the President’s ability to remove members of the Board at will, it “did not include the same provision for the General Counsel.” Accordingly, the district court concluded that the President could discharge the GC “without the process required for Board members.”
As others have noted, the particular facts of Goonan make it an unlikely case for definitively resolving the question of whether Robb’s firing was illegal. After all, as the district court later noted, the challenged injunction was brought by an NLRB regional director on behalf of the Board, not the GC. That being said, the decision affirms what many suspected in January: The legal argument against Robb’s firing is weak. And if the high Court’s most recent treatment of the President’s removal authority is any indication, it is unlikely that the Supreme Court—should the question be presented before it—will think otherwise.
Daily News & Commentary
Start your day with our roundup of the latest labor developments. See all
January 30
Multiple unions endorse a national general strike, and tech companies spend millions on ad campaigns for data centers.
January 29
Texas pauses H-1B hiring; NLRB General Counsel announces new procedures and priorities; Fourth Circuit rejects a teacher's challenge to pronoun policies.
January 28
Over 15,000 New York City nurses continue to strike with support from Mayor Mamdani; a judge grants a preliminary injunction that prevents DHS from ending family reunification parole programs for thousands of family members of U.S. citizens and green-card holders; and decisions in SDNY address whether employees may receive accommodations for telework due to potential exposure to COVID-19 when essential functions cannot be completed at home.
January 27
NYC's new delivery-app tipping law takes effect; 31,000 Kaiser Permanente nurses and healthcare workers go on strike; the NJ Appellate Division revives Atlantic City casino workers’ lawsuit challenging the state’s casino smoking exemption.
January 26
Unions mourn Alex Pretti, EEOC concentrates power, courts decide reach of EFAA.
January 25
Uber and Lyft face class actions against “women preference” matching, Virginia home healthcare workers push for a collective bargaining bill, and the NLRB launches a new intake protocol.