Maddy Joseph is a student at Harvard Law School.
The Supreme Court decided yesterday to hear Janus v. AFSCME. The Court seems poised to hold that agency-fee agreements for public sector workers are unconstitutional. Since the order, reports and commentaries have analyzed Janus‘s threat to public sector workers, and its stakes for U.S. organized labor.
The Chicago Tribune explains that the case began when Illinois’ Republican Governor Bruce Rauner, a former private equity executive, attempted to stop the state from dispensing agency fees to unions, clashing with the state’s Attorney General. The Governor eventually filed the suit that would become Janus, asking a federal court to rule that his actions were valid and that fair-share agreements are unconstitutional. When Gov. Rauner was dropped from the case, Mark Janus and other state employees took over as plaintiffs. The Tribune also has an editorial that supports the union’s argument only on the “narrow” point that “[s]omeone who benefits from a union’s contract negotiations should pay for collective bargaining activities, if not for the union’s political activities.” It notes that an AFSCME loss in Janus would lead to a decline in union membership, like the decline seen “in Wisconsin, with Gov. Scott Walker leading the charge.”
Making the stakes concrete, the Washington Post gives the union membership statistics: “Union membership in the U.S. declined to just 10.7 percent of the workforce last year, and the ranks of private-sector unions have been especially hard hit. About half of all union members now work for federal, state and local governments.”
And The Atlantic recounts AFSCME’s predictions about who would pay fees under a public sector right-to-work regime: “only about a third of the workers they represent would pay fees ‘no matter what’ and . . . about half were on the fence about it. In other words, if given the option to leave the union and avoid paying dues, many could take it and still be supported by collective-bargaining efforts.” The article also nicely summarizes the Court’s recent “signal flares on Abood” in Knox and Harris.
The New York Times calls the period since the Court’s 4-4 deadlock in Friedrichs v. CTA “a brief reprieve for unions.” (Find our coverage of Friedrichs here.) According to the Times “[u]nion leaders reacted to the court’s decision to hear [Janus] with dismay bordering on alarm.”
At Slate, Mark Joseph Stern predicts that “while Janus will be a crushing blow to unions, it probably won’t be the last one dealt by the Supreme Court,” arguing that the First Amendment analysis used to reject agency-fee agreements in the public sector could easily be modified and extended to compel a right-to-work regime in the private sector. For a preview of Janus’s argument, see the cert petition.
Daily News & Commentary
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September 25
Healthcare workers rally to restore legal status for TPS holders; nurses at a Maine hospital overwhelmingly vote to form their union despite alleged aggressive union busting tactics.
September 24
NLRB abandons rule for offensive conduct during protected activity; New York home care workers seek a union election; maritime deck officers endure long fight for first contracts.
September 23
DoorDash settles delivery-worker pay claims; Philadelphia school workers win new contract; stock gains spur retirements.
September 22
Judge blocks ICE raids in Alabama; Chicago hotel workers vote to strike; AutoZone workers look to create first union
September 21
In today’s News and Commentary, the Seventh Circuit raises the bar for the NLRB to obtain preliminary injunctions, the California Primary Care Association sues SEIU-UHW for racketeering, and the Seventh Circuit finds that an employer group and think tank do not have standing to challenge an Illinois law banning captive audience meetings. On Friday, the […]
September 20
Culinary Workers Union members protests union leadership; lawsuit against OpenAI and Microsoft reveal internal concerns about the threat of AI training to human labor.