This is the final post in a three-part series. This is the last in a series of three posts on the prominent perverse consequences argument against “Banning the Box.” The argument is that efforts to curtail employer exclusion of people with criminal records in... More »
This post is the second in a three-part series. This is the second in a series of three posts on the prominent perverse consequences argument that “Banning the Box” inadvertently exacerbates the racial inequality it purports to redress. The first post critici... More »
This post is the first in a three-part series. Nothing sells like a perverse consequences argument. The movement to “Ban the Box” has run into an objection familiar from debates over the minimum wage and affirmative action: this policy could exacerbate exactl... More »
What does mass incarceration have to do with labor law? I suggest some new and disturbing answers in a report released earlier today in collaboration with colleagues at the UCLA Labor Center and A New Way of Life Reentry Project. We highlight the labor marke... More »
There is a math problem with Uber’s most powerful argument for classifying its drivers as independent contractors, not employees. That argument emphasizes how weakly attached to Uber most drivers are, as evidenced by how many drivers work very few hours per w... More »
Amidst all the hubbub about whether Uber drivers et al. are to be classified legally as “employees,” some important things are easy to miss. First, these employee status issues are longstanding and widespread beyond the gig economy. Misclassification plagues... More »